This publication contains a comparative study of socio- cultural influences on the process of family planning adoption during the period 1969-1973 in two rural communities in the regency of Bandung, West Java, Indonesia. One community, to be called Cianyar, is a ward in an agrarian village, while the other, Citonggoh, constitutes a large dairy and vegetable farm. A few hundred people live in each community.
The book consists of two parts. In Part One. "The Theoretical Framework", a research model and two research questions are introduced. In the model society is viewed as a tension system of elements which interact on two structural levels: a basic structure of elements from which strong stucturing influences on other elements emanate, and a derived structure of elements which constitutes itself as a reaction upon structuring influences from the basic structure. In the section of society studied, namely the participation system of family planning acceptors and relevant others. the basic structure is thought to consist of four substructures: a material, a social, a cultural and a psychic substructure. The derived structure is thought to consist of the network and the definitions of the situation of acceptors and relevant others. The adoptions of family planning themselves constitute the third level of the research model. On the basis of this model we have formulated as our first research question the task to explain comparatively observed adoptions of family planning in terms of the two categories of network and definitions of the situation as the derived structure of the participation system, and subsequently to explain the network and the definitions of the situation themselves in terms of the four basic substructures of the participation system (chapter 1).
In chapter 2 the elements constituting the four basic substructures are introduced and specified. Among other things the cultural ideal of the authoritative-harmonic community is mentioned and defined. The concepts of substrate (= the division of the scarce means of property, power, knowledge and strategic contacts among the community members), social position (= an actor's disposal of these scarce means) and social class (= a category of actors with corresponding social positions) are introduced. Subsequently the community is defined as consisting of three social classes: a higher, a middle and a lower class. In order to explain observed differences between the derived structures of Cianyar and Citonggoh, four basic structural elements with very different values or forms in the two communities have been selected. These are (1) the material element of infrastructural access to the family planning clinic, (2) the social element of substrate, (3) the social element of presence of factions in the community and (4) the psychic element of type of leadership exercised in the community.
In chapter 3 the elements of the two categories of network and definitions of the situation of the derived structure are introduced and specified.
In the fourth and concluding chapter of Part One the second research question is introduced as an attempt to typify observed adoptions of family planning as modern or not modern on the basis of a clearly defined concept of (individual) modernization. In order to distinguish adoptions which are "really" modern from adoptions which are only "apparently" modern, the concept of pseudo-modernization is introduced.
In Part Two, "Data and Interpretation", the two research tasks are separately carried out, the first one by successively analysing the adoption processes of Cianyar and Citonggoh in a directly comparable way in accordance with the research model (chapters 5 - 8 and 9 - 13), and the second one by typifying the observed adoptions of Citonggoh and Cianyar as modern or pseudo-modern in accordance with the concept of modernization (chapter 14). In the conclusions of the study (chapter 15) the results of the two research questions are logically and empirically combined.
Cianyar (ch. 5-8)
The circumstances of the fieldwork in the ward Cianyar of the village Ciendah are briefly discussed in chapter 5. In chapter 6 the political history of the village Ciendah during the period 1950-1975 is treated as a continuous contest for village power between two groups in the village: a moderately progressive group of village officials and school teachers and their following, headed by the relatively rich family of the village head, and a conservative group of orthodox local religious leades and their following, headed by one relatively rich family also. During this period of 25 years all major village offices were continuously held by members of the former group, the latter being
continuously in political opposition. It is shown that during the whole period the willingness of orthodox leaders to cooperate with village officials in implementing government development programs varied inversely with their momentary political power in the village.
In chapter 7 the composition of the basic structure of Cianyar is discussed. In (anticipated) comparison with Citonggoh it is shown that Cianyar is characterized by bad infrastructural access to the family planning clinic, a poly-pyramidal substrate (by which is meant unequal division of the four scarce means among the community members and the concentration of these means in the hands of various individuals from different social and occupational categories), presence of an orthodox faction in the community and absence of charismatic leadership.
In the following chapter 8 the composition of the derived structure is dealt with by means of an analysis of the local family planning programme and its development over time. The social and class positions of all actors studied were determined. The contents of the programme, its implementation, and the reations of receptors (eligible couples) were separately discussed, the essentials of which are summarized below.
(1) For several years the orthodox leaders dominated a public opinion which strongly condemned family planning. Mainly because in 1972 the orthodox leaders quite suddenly lost their (political) power in the community, could public opinion quickly change from strongly anti- to moderately in favour of family planning.
(2) Under the strongly limiting conditions of a poly-pyramidal substrate, presence of an orthodox faction and lack of charismatic leadership qualities, the most important executors of the programme, the ward head of Cianyar and his wife themselves, chose for cautious manoeuvring. They only approached couples with two or more children among the village poor, in particular those working as day labourers on their rice fields. Only after public opinion had changed did they start motivating couples belonging to the orthodox community. The ward heed almost exclusively motivated men, his wife almost exlusively women. Usually they cautiously spoke of family planning as a modern means for spacing births only. In terms of our own typology of informal leadership positions (introduced in Part One) the ward head and his wife behaved as advisors towards their receptors.
(3) Within the group of non-orthodox couples of Cianyar the adoption process started early 1970 among the school teachers of the higher class. One and a half year later (mid 1971) the process started among the beca drivers, small farmers and small officials of the middle class, and three months later (end 1971) it commenced among the agricultural labourers and plaiters of bambu walls of the lower class in the community. So within the non-orthodox group of the community the adoption process commenced in all three social classes well before public opinion started to change (1972). Within the group of orthodox couples the process started relatively late (mid 1972) among the larger farmers and traders of the higher class and the beca drivers of the middle class. Six months later (beginning 1973) the process commenced among the agricultural labourers and plaiters of the lower class. So within the orthodox group of the community the adoption process started in all three social classes only after public opinion had commenced to change(1972). At the end of chapter 8 it is concluded that, because of the motivating activities of the ward head and his wife, in both groups of the community the adoption process among the couples of the middle and the lower classes has been advanced and accelerated in time.
Citonggoh (ch. 9-13)
After a brief discussion of the circumstances of the fieldwork in Citonggoh (chapter 9) the recent history and the organizational structure of the enterprise are described in chapter 10. From mid 1969 till the end of 1973 the enterprise was run by a new Indonesian director who succeeded in making the farm profitable again after near bankruptcy in 1968.
In chapter 11 the composition of the basic structure of Citonggoh is discussed. In comparison with Cianyar it is shown that Citonggoh is characterized by good infrastructural access to the family planning clinic. a mono-pyramidal substrate (by which is meant concentration of the four scarce means in the hands of one person, the director), absence of (orthodox) factions in the community, and exertion of charismatic leadership, again by the director. It is also shown that the families of nearly all employees - that is director, staffmembers, foremen and labourers - live within the area and in the houses of the enterprise.
In chapter 12 the character of the director's leadership and power and its development over time are studied by means of an analysis of the contents, implementation and results of a large number of his policy measures. Special attention is given to his interventions pertaining to age at marriage, polygyny, divorce, childbirth and other aspects in the realm of private and family life of his subordinates. Among other things the conclusion is drawn that the director exerted authoritative as well as authoritarian leadership. As an authoritative leader who provides quidance on the basis of exceptional qualities only, the director disposed of his disproportionately large (modern) knowledge and of his charismatic personality. As an authoritarian leader who expects obedience. he could (if he wished) make use of several formal sanctions (like prohibiting to make use of the clinical facilities of the enterprise, prohibiting to live on its area and the very heavy sanction of dismissal) and also of several informal sanctions (like making public personal matters of subordinates).
In chapter 13 the composition of the derived structure of Citonggoh is dealt with by means of an analysis of the director's family planning programme and its development over time. The essentials of the programme's contents, its implementation and reactions of receptors are summarized below.
(1) The director considered family planning as an excellent modern means for couples to plan births in all three phases of the family cycle: for young couples to delay the birth of their first child, for couples with one or more children to space the births of additional children, and for couples who had already reached or exceeded their desired number of children, to stop bearing children. Secondly. he felt that all fecund couples of Citonggoh irrespective of one's phase in the family cycle should become acceptors.
(2) The three conditions of a mono-pyramidal substrate with power being concentrated in the hands of the director, the latter's charismatic personality, and absence of an oppositional (orthodox) faction in the community offered the director as head of his own family planning programme ample opportunity to enforce acceptance by employing the formal and informal sanctions mentioned. In his position of powerful and charismatic leader the director chose for a strategy of differential pressure. All couples who in his opinion could easily understand family planning because they were well educated were not approached. The great majority of these couples belonged to the higher class and higher middle class of the community. All others, the great majority of whom were couples of the lower middle and lower class, were motivated by means of "active persuasion" as the director put it himself, by which he meant: incessant and intensive personal motivation without using any means of coercion. Those who (silently) refused were called to the office to be persuaded again. And again and again if necessary, untill they finally decided to accept. Put in our own terminology this means, that from the motivating activities of the director two influences emerged: on the one hand a real-modern influence because of his incessant efforts to explain family planning to his receptors in terms of the culture concept of rational control of one's own life situation, and on the other hand a dual, classdifferentiated pseudo-modern pressure. This pressure was a double one, because it was authoritative as well as autoritarian (imposing something and at the same time concealing possible sanctions is actually a form of intimidation), and it was class-differentiated because couples belonging to different classes were differentially exposed. In the execution of his family planning programme the director closely cooperated with the nurse of the enterprise. It was the nurse who located potential acceptors and kept track of all motivated couples. Together the director and the nurse performed an a very efficient team.
(3) The adoption process in Citonggoh started shortly after the beginning of the programs among the couples of the middle and the lower classes, by the end of 1969. Among the (young) couples of the higher class, who could decide in freedom, the process started relatively lare (mid 1971). During the period 1969-1973 nearly all potential acceptors of Citonggoh had accepted family planning. At the end of chapter 13 it is concluded that, because of the motivating activities of the director of the enterprise, the adoption process among the couples of the middle and lower classes has been advanced and accelerated in time.
In chapter 14 the hypothesis is tested that social pressure from authority or public opinion leads to pseudomodernization. The hypothesis is only slightly confirmed. Only three cases of pseudomodernization in its full extent were encountered in Cianyar, none in Citonggoh. In Citonggoh pseudo-modernization only seems to have occured a few times as an aspect of real-modern adoption. These and other observations led to the conclusion that in alle three social classes of both communities the great majority of fecund couples possesed an unespectedly strong modern mentality in matters concerning planning births of children.
In chapter 15 the theoretical essentials of the comparative study are restated and several theoretical conclusions drawn, the most important one being recapitulated here: The community leaders of Cianyar and Citonggoh have executed their family planning programmes on the same cultural basis of a twofold ideal of real modernization and exertion of leadership in accordance with the ideal of the authoritativeharmonic community. Because of the structuring influences of four basis structural elements with very different values and forms in the two communities, the two programmes have been very different in their contents and implementation. However, probably due to the unexpectedly strong modern mentality among the couples of all three social classes in both communities both programs have essentially had the same effect of advancing and accelerating the adoption process among the couples of the middle and lower classes.
|Qualification||Doctor of Philosophy|
|Award date||22 Feb 1985|
|Place of Publication||Wageningen|
|Publication status||Published - 1985|
- birth rate
- cultural change
- cultural development
- family planning
- marital interaction
- rural communities
- married persons